For Richer: First published in the New York Times, October 20, 2002

October 20, 2002

By PAUL KRUGMAN

 

I. The Disappearing Middle

When I was a teenager growing up on Long Island, one of my

favorite excursions was a trip to see the great Gilded Age

mansions of the North Shore. Those mansions weren't just

pieces of architectural history. They were monuments to a

bygone social era, one in which the rich could afford the

armies of servants needed to maintain a house the size of a

European palace. By the time I saw them, of course, that

era was long past. Almost none of the Long Island mansions

were still private residences. Those that hadn't been

turned into museums were occupied by nursing homes or

private schools.

For the America I grew up in -- the America of the 1950's

and 1960's -- was a middle-class society, both in reality

and in feel. The vast income and wealth inequalities of the

Gilded Age had disappeared. Yes, of course, there was the

poverty of the underclass -- but the conventional wisdom of

the time viewed that as a social rather than an economic

problem. Yes, of course, some wealthy businessmen and heirs

to large fortunes lived far better than the average

American. But they weren't rich the way the robber barons

who built the mansions had been rich, and there weren't

that many of them. The days when plutocrats were a force to

be reckoned with in American society, economically or

politically, seemed long past.

Daily experience confirmed the sense of a fairly equal

society. The economic disparities you were conscious of

were quite muted. Highly educated professionals -- middle

managers, college teachers, even lawyers -- often claimed

that they earned less than unionized blue-collar workers.

Those considered very well off lived in split-levels, had a

housecleaner come in once a week and took summer vacations

in Europe. But they sent their kids to public schools and

drove themselves to work, just like everyone else.

But that was long ago. The middle-class America of my youth

was another country.

We are now living in a new Gilded Age, as extravagant as

the original. Mansions have made a comeback. Back in 1999

this magazine profiled Thierry Despont, the ''eminence of

excess,'' an architect who specializes in designing houses

for the superrich. His creations typically range from

20,000 to 60,000 square feet; houses at the upper end of

his range are not much smaller than the White House.

Needless to say, the armies of servants are back, too. So

are the yachts. Still, even J.P. Morgan didn't have a

Gulfstream.

As the story about Despont suggests, it's not fair to say

that the fact of widening inequality in America has gone

unreported. Yet glimpses of the lifestyles of the rich and

tasteless don't necessarily add up in people's minds to a

clear picture of the tectonic shifts that have taken place

in the distribution of income and wealth in this country.

My sense is that few people are aware of just how much the

gap between the very rich and the rest has widened over a

relatively short period of time. In fact, even bringing up

the subject exposes you to charges of ''class warfare,''

the ''politics of envy'' and so on. And very few people

indeed are willing to talk about the profound effects --

economic, social and political -- of that widening gap.

Yet you can't understand what's happening in America today

without understanding the extent, causes and consequences

of the vast increase in inequality that has taken place

over the last three decades, and in particular the

astonishing concentration of income and wealth in just a

few hands. To make sense of the current wave of corporate

scandal, you need to understand how the man in the gray

flannel suit has been replaced by the imperial C.E.O. The

concentration of income at the top is a key reason that the

United States, for all its economic achievements, has more

poverty and lower life expectancy than any other major

advanced nation. Above all, the growing concentration of

wealth has reshaped our political system: it is at the root

both of a general shift to the right and of an extreme

polarization of our politics.

But before we get to all that, let's take a look at who

gets what.

 

II. The New Gilded Age

The Securities and Exchange Commission hath no fury like a

woman scorned. The messy divorce proceedings of Jack Welch,

the legendary former C.E.O. of General Electric, have had

one unintended benefit: they have given us a peek at the

perks of the corporate elite, which are normally hidden

from public view. For it turns out that when Welch retired,

he was granted for life the use of a Manhattan apartment

(including food, wine and laundry), access to corporate

jets and a variety of other in-kind benefits, worth at

least $2 million a year. The perks were revealing: they

illustrated the extent to which corporate leaders now

expect to be treated like ancien regime royalty. In

monetary terms, however, the perks must have meant little

to Welch. In 2000, his last full year running G.E., Welch

was paid $123 million, mainly in stock and stock options.

Is it news that C.E.O.'s of large American corporations

make a lot of money? Actually, it is. They were always well

paid compared with the average worker, but there is simply

no comparison between what executives got a generation ago

and what they are paid today.

Over the past 30 years most people have seen only modest

salary increases: the average annual salary in America,

expressed in 1998 dollars (that is, adjusted for

inflation), rose from $32,522 in 1970 to $35,864 in 1999.

That's about a 10 percent increase over 29 years --

progress, but not much. Over the same period, however,

according to Fortune magazine, the average real annual

compensation of the top 100 C.E.O.'s went from $1.3 million

-- 39 times the pay of an average worker -- to $37.5

million, more than 1,000 times the pay of ordinary workers.

 

The explosion in C.E.O. pay over the past 30 years is an

amazing story in its own right, and an important one. But

it is only the most spectacular indicator of a broader

story, the reconcentration of income and wealth in the U.S.

The rich have always been different from you and me, but

they are far more different now than they were not long ago

-- indeed, they are as different now as they were when F.

Scott Fitzgerald made his famous remark.

That's a controversial statement, though it shouldn't be.

For at least the past 15 years it has been hard to deny the

evidence for growing inequality in the United States.

Census data clearly show a rising share of income going to

the top 20 percent of families, and within that top 20

percent to the top 5 percent, with a declining share going

to families in the middle. Nonetheless, denial of that

evidence is a sizable, well-financed industry. Conservative

think tanks have produced scores of studies that try to

discredit the data, the methodology and, not least, the

motives of those who report the obvious. Studies that

appear to refute claims of increasing inequality receive

prominent endorsements on editorial pages and are eagerly

cited by right-leaning government officials. Four years ago

Alan Greenspan (why did anyone ever think that he was

nonpartisan?) gave a keynote speech at the Federal

Reserve's annual Jackson Hole conference that amounted to

an attempt to deny that there has been any real increase in

inequality in America.

The concerted effort to deny that inequality is increasing

is itself a symptom of the growing influence of our

emerging plutocracy (more on this later). So is the fierce

defense of the backup position, that inequality doesn't

matter -- or maybe even that, to use Martha Stewart's

signature phrase, it's a good thing. Meanwhile, politically

motivated smoke screens aside, the reality of increasing

inequality is not in doubt. In fact, the census data

understate the case, because for technical reasons those

data tend to undercount very high incomes -- for example,

it's unlikely that they reflect the explosion in C.E.O.

compensation. And other evidence makes it clear not only

that inequality is increasing but that the action gets

bigger the closer you get to the top. That is, it's not

simply that the top 20 percent of families have had bigger

percentage gains than families near the middle: the top 5

percent have done better than the next 15, the top 1

percent better than the next 4, and so on up to Bill Gates.

 

Studies that try to do a better job of tracking high

incomes have found startling results. For example, a recent

study by the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office used

income tax data and other sources to improve on the census

estimates. The C.B.O. study found that between 1979 and

1997, the after-tax incomes of the top 1 percent of

families rose 157 percent, compared with only a 10 percent

gain for families near the middle of the income

distribution. Even more startling results come from a new

study by Thomas Piketty, at the French research institute

Cepremap, and Emmanuel Saez, who is now at the University

of California at Berkeley. Using income tax data, Piketty

and Saez have produced estimates of the incomes of the

well-to-do, the rich and the very rich back to 1913.

The first point you learn from these new estimates is that

the middle-class America of my youth is best thought of not

as the normal state of our society, but as an interregnum

between Gilded Ages. America before 1930 was a society in

which a small number of very rich people controlled a large

share of the nation's wealth. We became a middle-class

society only after the concentration of income at the top

dropped sharply during the New Deal, and especially during

World War II. The economic historians Claudia Goldin and

Robert Margo have dubbed the narrowing of income gaps

during those years the Great Compression. Incomes then

stayed fairly equally distributed until the 1970's: the

rapid rise in incomes during the first postwar generation

was very evenly spread across the population.

Since the 1970's, however, income gaps have been rapidly

widening. Piketty and Saez confirm what I suspected: by

most measures we are, in fact, back to the days of ''The

Great Gatsby.'' After 30 years in which the income shares

of the top 10 percent of taxpayers, the top 1 percent and

so on were far below their levels in the 1920's, all are

very nearly back where they were.

And the big winners are the very, very rich. One ploy often

used to play down growing inequality is to rely on rather

coarse statistical breakdowns -- dividing the population

into five ''quintiles,'' each containing 20 percent of

families, or at most 10 ''deciles.'' Indeed, Greenspan's

speech at Jackson Hole relied mainly on decile data. From

there it's a short step to denying that we're really

talking about the rich at all. For example, a conservative

commentator might concede, grudgingly, that there has been

some increase in the share of national income going to the

top 10 percent of taxpayers, but then point out that anyone

with an income over $81,000 is in that top 10 percent. So

we're just talking about shifts within the middle class,

right?

Wrong: the top 10 percent contains a lot of people whom we

would still consider middle class, but they weren't the big

winners. Most of the gains in the share of the top 10

percent of taxpayers over the past 30 years were actually

gains to the top 1 percent, rather than the next 9 percent.

In 1998 the top 1 percent started at $230,000. In turn, 60

percent of the gains of that top 1 percent went to the top

0.1 percent, those with incomes of more than $790,000. And

almost half of those gains went to a mere 13,000 taxpayers,

the top 0.01 percent, who had an income of at least $3.6

million and an average income of $17 million.

A stickler for detail might point out that the Piketty-Saez

estimates end in 1998 and that the C.B.O. numbers end a

year earlier. Have the trends shown in the data reversed?

Almost surely not. In fact, all indications are that the

explosion of incomes at the top continued through 2000.

Since then the plunge in stock prices must have put some

crimp in high incomes -- but census data show inequality

continuing to increase in 2001, mainly because of the

severe effects of the recession on the working poor and

near poor. When the recession ends, we can be sure that we

will find ourselves a society in which income inequality is

even higher than it was in the late 90's.

So claims that we've entered a second Gilded Age aren't

exaggerated. In America's middle-class era, the

mansion-building, yacht-owning classes had pretty much

disappeared. According to Piketty and Saez, in 1970 the top

0.01 percent of taxpayers had 0.7 percent of total income

-- that is, they earned ''only'' 70 times as much as the

average, not enough to buy or maintain a mega-residence.

But in 1998 the top 0.01 percent received more than 3

percent of all income. That meant that the 13,000 richest

families in America had almost as much income as the 20

million poorest households; those 13,000 families had

incomes 300 times that of average families.

And let me repeat: this transformation has happened very

quickly, and it is still going on. You might think that

1987, the year Tom Wolfe published his novel ''The Bonfire

of the Vanities'' and Oliver Stone released his movie

''Wall Street,'' marked the high tide of America's new

money culture. But in 1987 the top 0.01 percent earned only

about 40 percent of what they do today, and top executives

less than a fifth as much. The America of ''Wall Street''

and ''The Bonfire of the Vanities'' was positively

egalitarian compared with the country we live in today.

 

III. Undoing the New Deal

In the middle of the 1980's, as

economists became aware that something important was

happening to the distribution of income in America, they

formulated three main hypotheses about its causes.

The ''globalization'' hypothesis tied America's changing

income distribution to the growth of world trade, and

especially the growing imports of manufactured goods from

the third world. Its basic message was that blue-collar

workers -- the sort of people who in my youth often made as

much money as college-educated middle managers -- were

losing ground in the face of competition from low-wage

workers in Asia. A result was stagnation or decline in the

wages of ordinary people, with a growing share of national

income going to the highly educated.

A second hypothesis, ''skill-biased technological change,''

situated the cause of growing inequality not in foreign

trade but in domestic innovation. The torrid pace of

progress in information technology, so the story went, had

increased the demand for the highly skilled and educated.

And so the income distribution increasingly favored brains

rather than brawn.

Finally, the ''superstar'' hypothesis -- named by the

Chicago economist Sherwin Rosen -- offered a variant on the

technological story. It argued that modern technologies of

communication often turn competition into a tournament in

which the winner is richly rewarded, while the runners-up

get far less. The classic example -- which gives the theory

its name -- is the entertainment business. As Rosen pointed

out, in bygone days there were hundreds of comedians making

a modest living at live shows in the borscht belt and other

places. Now they are mostly gone; what is left is a handful

of superstar TV comedians.

The debates among these hypotheses -- particularly the

debate between those who attributed growing inequality to

globalization and those who attributed it to technology --

were many and bitter. I was a participant in those debates

myself. But I won't dwell on them, because in the last few

years there has been a growing sense among economists that

none of these hypotheses work.

I don't mean to say that there was nothing to these

stories. Yet as more evidence has accumulated, each of the

hypotheses has seemed increasingly inadequate.

Globalization can explain part of the relative decline in

blue-collar wages, but it can't explain the 2,500 percent

rise in C.E.O. incomes. Technology may explain why the

salary premium associated with a college education has

risen, but it's hard to match up with the huge increase in

inequality among the college-educated, with little progress

for many but gigantic gains at the top. The superstar

theory works for Jay Leno, but not for the thousands of

people who have become awesomely rich without going on TV.

The Great Compression -- the substantial reduction in

inequality during the New Deal and the Second World War --

also seems hard to understand in terms of the usual

theories. During World War II Franklin Roosevelt used

government control over wages to compress wage gaps. But if

the middle-class society that emerged from the war was an

artificial creation, why did it persist for another 30

years?

Some -- by no means all -- economists trying to understand

growing inequality have begun to take seriously a

hypothesis that would have been considered irredeemably

fuzzy-minded not long ago. This view stresses the role of

social norms in setting limits to inequality. According to

this view, the New Deal had a more profound impact on

American society than even its most ardent admirers have

suggested: it imposed norms of relative equality in pay

that persisted for more than 30 years, creating the broadly

middle-class society we came to take for granted. But those

norms began to unravel in the 1970's and have done so at an

accelerating pace.

Exhibit A for this view is the story of executive

compensation. In the 1960's, America's great corporations

behaved more like socialist republics than like cutthroat

capitalist enterprises, and top executives behaved more

like public-spirited bureaucrats than like captains of

industry. I'm not exaggerating. Consider the description of

executive behavior offered by John Kenneth Galbraith in his

1967 book, ''The New Industrial State'': ''Management does

not go out ruthlessly to reward itself -- a sound

management is expected to exercise restraint.'' Managerial

self-dealing was a thing of the past: ''With the power of

decision goes opportunity for making money. . . . Were

everyone to seek to do so . . . the corporation would be a

chaos of competitive avarice. But these are not the sort of

thing that a good company man does; a remarkably effective

code bans such behavior. Group decision-making insures,

moreover, that almost everyone's actions and even thoughts

are known to others. This acts to enforce the code and,

more than incidentally, a high standard of personal honesty

as well.''

Thirty-five years on, a cover article in Fortune is titled

''You Bought. They Sold.'' ''All over corporate America,''

reads the blurb, ''top execs were cashing in stocks even as

their companies were tanking. Who was left holding the bag?

You.'' As I said, we've become a different country.

Let's leave actual malfeasance on one side for a moment,

and ask how the relatively modest salaries of top

executives 30 years ago became the gigantic pay packages of

today. There are two main stories, both of which emphasize

changing norms rather than pure economics. The more

optimistic story draws an analogy between the explosion of

C.E.O. pay and the explosion of baseball salaries with the

introduction of free agency. According to this story,

highly paid C.E.O.'s really are worth it, because having

the right man in that job makes a huge difference. The more

pessimistic view -- which I find more plausible -- is that

competition for talent is a minor factor. Yes, a great

executive can make a big difference -- but those huge pay

packages have been going as often as not to executives

whose performance is mediocre at best. The key reason

executives are paid so much now is that they appoint the

members of the corporate board that determines their

compensation and control many of the perks that board

members count on. So it's not the invisible hand of the

market that leads to those monumental executive incomes;

it's the invisible handshake in the boardroom.

But then why weren't executives paid lavishly 30 years ago?

Again, it's a matter of corporate culture. For a generation

after World War II, fear of outrage kept executive salaries

in check. Now the outrage is gone. That is, the explosion

of executive pay represents a social change rather than the

purely economic forces of supply and demand. We should

think of it not as a market trend like the rising value of

waterfront property, but as something more like the sexual

revolution of the 1960's -- a relaxation of old strictures,

a new permissiveness, but in this case the permissiveness

is financial rather than sexual. Sure enough, John Kenneth

Galbraith described the honest executive of 1967 as being

one who ''eschews the lovely, available and even naked

woman by whom he is intimately surrounded.'' By the end of

the 1990's, the executive motto might as well have been

''If it feels good, do it.''

How did this change in corporate culture happen? Economists

and management theorists are only beginning to explore that

question, but it's easy to suggest a few factors. One was

the changing structure of financial markets. In his new

book, ''Searching for a Corporate Savior,'' Rakesh Khurana

of Harvard Business School suggests that during the 1980's

and 1990's, ''managerial capitalism'' -- the world of the

man in the gray flannel suit -- was replaced by ''investor

capitalism.'' Institutional investors weren't willing to

let a C.E.O. choose his own successor from inside the

corporation; they wanted heroic leaders, often outsiders,

and were willing to pay immense sums to get them. The

subtitle of Khurana's book, by the way, is ''The Irrational

Quest for Charismatic C.E.O.'s.''

But fashionable management theorists didn't think it was

irrational. Since the 1980's there has been ever more

emphasis on the importance of ''leadership'' -- meaning

personal, charismatic leadership. When Lee Iacocca of

Chrysler became a business celebrity in the early 1980's,

he was practically alone: Khurana reports that in 1980 only

one issue of Business Week featured a C.E.O. on its cover.

By 1999 the number was up to 19. And once it was considered

normal, even necessary, for a C.E.O. to be famous, it also

became easier to make him rich.

Economists also did their bit to legitimize previously

unthinkable levels of executive pay. During the 1980's and

1990's a torrent of academic papers -- popularized in

business magazines and incorporated into consultants'

recommendations -- argued that Gordon Gekko was right:

greed is good; greed works. In order to get the best

performance out of executives, these papers argued, it was

necessary to align their interests with those of

stockholders. And the way to do that was with large grants

of stock or stock options.

It's hard to escape the suspicion that these new

intellectual justifications for soaring executive pay were

as much effect as cause. I'm not suggesting that management

theorists and economists were personally corrupt. It would

have been a subtle, unconscious process: the ideas that

were taken up by business schools, that led to nice

speaking and consulting fees, tended to be the ones that

ratified an existing trend, and thereby gave it legitimacy.

 

What economists like Piketty and Saez are now suggesting is

that the story of executive compensation is representative

of a broader story. Much more than economists and

free-market advocates like to imagine, wages --

particularly at the top -- are determined by social norms.

What happened during the 1930's and 1940's was that new

norms of equality were established, largely through the

political process. What happened in the 1980's and 1990's

was that those norms unraveled, replaced by an ethos of

''anything goes.'' And a result was an explosion of income

at the top of the scale.

 

IV. The Price of Inequality

It was one of those revealing moments. Responding to an

e-mail message from a Canadian viewer, Robert Novak of

''Crossfire'' delivered a little speech: ''Marg, like most

Canadians, you're ill informed and wrong. The U.S. has the

longest standard of living -- longest life expectancy of

any country in the world, including Canada. That's the

truth.''

But it was Novak who had his facts wrong. Canadians can

expect to live about two years longer than Americans. In

fact, life expectancy in the U.S. is well below that in

Canada, Japan and every major nation in Western Europe. On

average, we can expect lives a bit shorter than those of

Greeks, a bit longer than those of Portuguese. Male life

expectancy is lower in the U.S. than it is in Costa Rica.

Still, you can understand why Novak assumed that we were

No. 1. After all, we really are the richest major nation,

with real G.D.P. per capita about 20 percent higher than

Canada's. And it has been an article of faith in this

country that a rising tide lifts all boats. Doesn't our

high and rising national wealth translate into a high

standard of living -- including good medical care -- for

all Americans?

Well, no. Although America has higher per capita income

than other advanced countries, it turns out that that's

mainly because our rich are much richer. And here's a

radical thought: if the rich get more, that leaves less for

everyone else.

That statement -- which is simply a matter of arithmetic --

is guaranteed to bring accusations of ''class warfare.'' If

the accuser gets more specific, he'll probably offer two

reasons that it's foolish to make a fuss over the high

incomes of a few people at the top of the income

distribution. First, he'll tell you that what the elite get

may look like a lot of money, but it's still a small share

of the total -- that is, when all is said and done the rich

aren't getting that big a piece of the pie. Second, he'll

tell you that trying to do anything to reduce incomes at

the top will hurt, not help, people further down the

distribution, because attempts to redistribute income

damage incentives.

These arguments for lack of concern are plausible. And they

were entirely correct, once upon a time -- namely, back

when we had a middle-class society. But there's a lot less

truth to them now.

First, the share of the rich in total income is no longer

trivial. These days 1 percent of families receive about 16

percent of total pretax income, and have about 14 percent

of after-tax income. That share has roughly doubled over

the past 30 years, and is now about as large as the share

of the bottom 40 percent of the population. That's a big

shift of income to the top; as a matter of pure arithmetic,

it must mean that the incomes of less well off families

grew considerably more slowly than average income. And they

did. Adjusting for inflation, average family income --

total income divided by the number of families -- grew 28

percent from 1979 to 1997. But median family income -- the

income of a family in the middle of the distribution, a

better indicator of how typical American families are doing

-- grew only 10 percent. And the incomes of the bottom

fifth of families actually fell slightly.

Let me belabor this point for a bit. We pride ourselves,

with considerable justification, on our record of economic

growth. But over the last few decades it's remarkable how

little of that growth has trickled down to ordinary

families. Median family income has risen only about 0.5

percent per year -- and as far as we can tell from somewhat

unreliable data, just about all of that increase was due to

wives working longer hours, with little or no gain in real

wages. Furthermore, numbers about income don't reflect the

growing riskiness of life for ordinary workers. In the days

when General Motors was known in-house as Generous Motors,

many workers felt that they had considerable job security

-- the company wouldn't fire them except in extremis. Many

had contracts that guaranteed health insurance, even if

they were laid off; they had pension benefits that did not

depend on the stock market. Now mass firings from

long-established companies are commonplace; losing your job

means losing your insurance; and as millions of people have

been learning, a 401(k) plan is no guarantee of a

comfortable retirement.

Still, many people will say that while the U.S. economic

system may generate a lot of inequality, it also generates

much higher incomes than any alternative, so that everyone

is better off. That was the moral Business Week tried to

convey in its recent special issue with ''25 Ideas for a

Changing World.'' One of those ideas was ''the rich get

richer, and that's O.K.'' High incomes at the top, the

conventional wisdom declares, are the result of a

free-market system that provides huge incentives for

performance. And the system delivers that performance,

which means that wealth at the top doesn't come at the

expense of the rest of us.

A skeptic might point out that the explosion in executive

compensation seems at best loosely related to actual

performance. Jack Welch was one of the 10 highest-paid

executives in the United States in 2000, and you could

argue that he earned it. But did Dennis Kozlowski of Tyco,

or Gerald Levin of Time Warner, who were also in the top

10? A skeptic might also point out that even during the

economic boom of the late 1990's, U.S. productivity growth

was no better than it was during the great postwar

expansion, which corresponds to the era when America was

truly middle class and C.E.O.'s were modestly paid

technocrats.

But can we produce any direct evidence about the effects of

inequality? We can't rerun our own history and ask what

would have happened if the social norms of middle-class

America had continued to limit incomes at the top, and if

government policy had leaned against rising inequality

instead of reinforcing it, which is what actually happened.

But we can compare ourselves with other advanced countries.

And the results are somewhat surprising.

Many Americans assume that because we are the richest

country in the world, with real G.D.P. per capita higher

than that of other major advanced countries, Americans must

be better off across the board -- that it's not just our

rich who are richer than their counterparts abroad, but

that the typical American family is much better off than

the typical family elsewhere, and that even our poor are

well off by foreign standards.

But it's not true. Let me use the example of Sweden, that

great conservative bete noire.

A few months ago the conservative cyberpundit Glenn

Reynolds made a splash when he pointed out that Sweden's

G.D.P. per capita is roughly comparable with that of

Mississippi -- see, those foolish believers in the welfare

state have impoverished themselves! Presumably he assumed

that this means that the typical Swede is as poor as the

typical resident of Mississippi, and therefore much worse

off than the typical American.

But life expectancy in Sweden is about three years higher

than that of the U.S. Infant mortality is half the U.S.

level, and less than a third the rate in Mississippi.

Functional illiteracy is much less common than in the U.S.

How is this possible? One answer is that G.D.P. per capita

is in some ways a misleading measure. Swedes take longer

vacations than Americans, so they work fewer hours per

year. That's a choice, not a failure of economic

performance. Real G.D.P. per hour worked is 16 percent

lower than in the United States, which makes Swedish

productivity about the same as Canada's.

But the main point is that though Sweden may have lower

average income than the United States, that's mainly

because our rich are so much richer. The median Swedish

family has a standard of living roughly comparable with

that of the median U.S. family: wages are if anything

higher in Sweden, and a higher tax burden is offset by

public provision of health care and generally better public

services. And as you move further down the income

distribution, Swedish living standards are way ahead of

those in the U.S. Swedish families with children that are

at the 10th percentile -- poorer than 90 percent of the

population -- have incomes 60 percent higher than their

U.S. counterparts. And very few people in Sweden experience

the deep poverty that is all too common in the United

States. One measure: in 1994 only 6 percent of Swedes lived

on less than $11 per day, compared with 14 percent in the

U.S.

The moral of this comparison is that even if you think that

America's high levels of inequality are the price of our

high level of national income, it's not at all clear that

this price is worth paying. The reason conservatives engage

in bouts of Sweden-bashing is that they want to convince us

that there is no tradeoff between economic efficiency and

equity -- that if you try to take from the rich and give to

the poor, you actually make everyone worse off. But the

comparison between the U.S. and other advanced countries

doesn't support this conclusion at all. Yes, we are the

richest major nation. But because so much of our national

income is concentrated in relatively few hands, large

numbers of Americans are worse off economically than their

counterparts in other advanced countries.

And we might even offer a challenge from the other side:

inequality in the United States has arguably reached levels

where it is counterproductive. That is, you can make a case

that our society would be richer if its richest members

didn't get quite so much.

I could make this argument on historical grounds. The most

impressive economic growth in U.S. history coincided with

the middle-class interregnum, the post-World War II

generation, when incomes were most evenly distributed. But

let's focus on a specific case, the extraordinary pay

packages of today's top executives. Are these good for the

economy?

Until recently it was almost unchallenged conventional

wisdom that, whatever else you might say, the new imperial

C.E.O.'s had delivered results that dwarfed the expense of

their compensation. But now that the stock bubble has

burst, it has become increasingly clear that there was a

price to those big pay packages, after all. In fact, the

price paid by shareholders and society at large may have

been many times larger than the amount actually paid to the

executives.

It's easy to get boggled by the details of corporate

scandal -- insider loans, stock options, special-purpose

entities, mark-to-market, round-tripping. But there's a

simple reason that the details are so complicated. All of

these schemes were designed to benefit corporate insiders

-- to inflate the pay of the C.E.O. and his inner circle.

That is, they were all about the ''chaos of competitive

avarice'' that, according to John Kenneth Galbraith, had

been ruled out in the corporation of the 1960's. But while

all restraint has vanished within the American corporation,

the outside world -- including stockholders -- is still

prudish, and open looting by executives is still not

acceptable. So the looting has to be camouflaged, taking

place through complicated schemes that can be rationalized

to outsiders as clever corporate strategies.

Economists who study crime tell us that crime is

inefficient -- that is, the costs of crime to the economy

are much larger than the amount stolen. Crime, and the fear

of crime, divert resources away from productive uses:

criminals spend their time stealing rather than producing,

and potential victims spend time and money trying to

protect their property. Also, the things people do to avoid

becoming victims -- like avoiding dangerous districts --

have a cost even if they succeed in averting an actual

crime.

The same holds true of corporate malfeasance, whether or

not it actually involves breaking the law. Executives who

devote their time to creating innovative ways to divert

shareholder money into their own pockets probably aren't

running the real business very well (think Enron, WorldCom,

Tyco, Global Crossing, Adelphia . . . ). Investments chosen

because they create the illusion of profitability while

insiders cash in their stock options are a waste of scarce

resources. And if the supply of funds from lenders and

shareholders dries up because of a lack of trust, the

economy as a whole suffers. Just ask Indonesia.

The argument for a system in which some people get very

rich has always been that the lure of wealth provides

powerful incentives. But the question is, incentives to do

what? As we learn more about what has actually been going

on in corporate America, it's becoming less and less clear

whether those incentives have actually made executives work

on behalf of the rest of us.

 

V. Inequality and Politics

In September the Senate debated a proposed measure that

would impose a one-time capital gains tax on Americans who

renounce their citizenship in order to avoid paying U.S.

taxes. Senator Phil Gramm was not pleased, declaring that

the proposal was ''right out of Nazi Germany.'' Pretty

strong language, but no stronger than the metaphor Daniel

Mitchell of the Heritage Foundation used, in an op-ed

article in The Washington Times, to describe a bill

designed to prevent corporations from rechartering abroad

for tax purposes: Mitchell described this legislation as

the ''Dred Scott tax bill,'' referring to the infamous 1857

Supreme Court ruling that required free states to return

escaped slaves.

Twenty years ago, would a prominent senator have likened

those who want wealthy people to pay taxes to Nazis? Would

a member of a think tank with close ties to the

administration have drawn a parallel between corporate

taxation and slavery? I don't think so. The remarks by

Gramm and Mitchell, while stronger than usual, were

indicators of two huge changes in American politics. One is

the growing polarization of our politics -- our politicians

are less and less inclined to offer even the appearance of

moderation. The other is the growing tendency of policy and

policy makers to cater to the interests of the wealthy. And

I mean the wealthy, not the merely well-off: only someone

with a net worth of at least several million dollars is

likely to find it worthwhile to become a tax exile.

You don't need a political scientist to tell you that

modern American politics is bitterly polarized. But wasn't

it always thus? No, it wasn't. From World War II until the

1970's -- the same era during which income inequality was

historically low -- political partisanship was much more

muted than it is today. That's not just a subjective

assessment. My Princeton political science colleagues Nolan

McCarty and Howard Rosenthal, together with Keith Poole at

the University of Houston, have done a statistical analysis

showing that the voting behavior of a congressman is much

better predicted by his party affiliation today than it was

25 years ago. In fact, the division between the parties is

sharper now than it has been since the 1920's.

What are the parties divided about? The answer is simple:

economics. McCarty, Rosenthal and Poole write that ''voting

in Congress is highly ideological -- one-dimensional

left/right, liberal versus conservative.'' It may sound

simplistic to describe Democrats as the party that wants to

tax the rich and help the poor, and Republicans as the

party that wants to keep taxes and social spending as low

as possible. And during the era of middle-class America

that would indeed have been simplistic: politics wasn't

defined by economic issues. But that was a different

country; as McCarty, Rosenthal and Poole put it, ''If

income and wealth are distributed in a fairly equitable

way, little is to be gained for politicians to organize

politics around nonexistent conflicts.'' Now the conflicts

are real, and our politics is organized around them. In

other words, the growing inequality of our incomes probably

lies behind the growing divisiveness of our politics.

But the politics of rich and poor hasn't played out the way

you might think. Since the incomes of America's wealthy

have soared while ordinary families have seen at best small

gains, you might have expected politicians to seek votes by

proposing to soak the rich. In fact, however, the

polarization of politics has occurred because the

Republicans have moved to the right, not because the

Democrats have moved to the left. And actual economic

policy has moved steadily in favor of the wealthy. The

major tax cuts of the past 25 years, the Reagan cuts in the

1980's and the recent Bush cuts, were both heavily tilted

toward the very well off. (Despite obfuscations, it remains

true that more than half the Bush tax cut will eventually

go to the top 1 percent of families.) The major tax

increase over that period, the increase in payroll taxes in

the 1980's, fell most heavily on working-class families.

The most remarkable example of how politics has shifted in

favor of the wealthy -- an example that helps us understand

why economic policy has reinforced, not countered, the

movement toward greater inequality -- is the drive to

repeal the estate tax. The estate tax is, overwhelmingly, a

tax on the wealthy. In 1999, only the top 2 percent of

estates paid any tax at all, and half the estate tax was

paid by only 3,300 estates, 0.16 percent of the total, with

a minimum value of $5 million and an average value of $17

million. A quarter of the tax was paid by just 467 estates

worth more than $20 million. Tales of family farms and

businesses broken up to pay the estate tax are basically

rural legends; hardly any real examples have been found,

despite diligent searching.

You might have thought that a tax that falls on so few

people yet yields a significant amount of revenue would be

politically popular; you certainly wouldn't expect

widespread opposition. Moreover, there has long been an

argument that the estate tax promotes democratic values,

precisely because it limits the ability of the wealthy to

form dynasties. So why has there been a powerful political

drive to repeal the estate tax, and why was such a repeal a

centerpiece of the Bush tax cut?

There is an economic argument for repealing the estate tax,

but it's hard to believe that many people take it

seriously. More significant for members of Congress,

surely, is the question of who would benefit from repeal:

while those who will actually benefit from estate tax

repeal are few in number, they have a lot of money and

control even more (corporate C.E.O.'s can now count on

leaving taxable estates behind). That is, they are the sort

of people who command the attention of politicians in

search of campaign funds.

But it's not just about campaign contributions: much of the

general public has been convinced that the estate tax is a

bad thing. If you try talking about the tax to a group of

moderately prosperous retirees, you get some interesting

reactions. They refer to it as the ''death tax''; many of

them believe that their estates will face punitive

taxation, even though most of them will pay little or

nothing; they are convinced that small businesses and

family farms bear the brunt of the tax.

These misconceptions don't arise by accident. They have,

instead, been deliberately promoted. For example, a

Heritage Foundation document titled ''Time to Repeal

Federal Death Taxes: The Nightmare of the American Dream''

emphasizes stories that rarely, if ever, happen in real

life: ''Small-business owners, particularly minority

owners, suffer anxious moments wondering whether the

businesses they hope to hand down to their children will be

destroyed by the death tax bill, . . . Women whose children

are grown struggle to find ways to re-enter the work force

without upsetting the family's estate tax avoidance plan.''

And who finances the Heritage Foundation? Why, foundations

created by wealthy families, of course.

The point is that it is no accident that strongly

conservative views, views that militate against taxes on

the rich, have spread even as the rich get richer compared

with the rest of us: in addition to directly buying

influence, money can be used to shape public perceptions.

The liberal group People for the American Way's report on

how conservative foundations have deployed vast sums to

support think tanks, friendly media and other institutions

that promote right-wing causes is titled ''Buying a

Movement.''

Not to put too fine a point on it: as the rich get richer,

they can buy a lot of things besides goods and services.

Money buys political influence; used cleverly, it also buys

intellectual influence. A result is that growing income

disparities in the United States, far from leading to

demands to soak the rich, have been accompanied by a

growing movement to let them keep more of their earnings

and to pass their wealth on to their children.

This obviously raises the possibility of a self-reinforcing

process. As the gap between the rich and the rest of the

population grows, economic policy increasingly caters to

the interests of the elite, while public services for the

population at large -- above all, public education -- are

starved of resources. As policy increasingly favors the

interests of the rich and neglects the interests of the

general population, income disparities grow even wider.

 

VI. Plutocracy?

In 1924, the mansions of Long Island's

North Shore were still in their full glory, as was the

political power of the class that owned them. When Gov. Al

Smith of New York proposed building a system of parks on

Long Island, the mansion owners were bitterly opposed. One

baron -- Horace Havemeyer, the ''sultan of sugar'' --

warned that North Shore towns would be ''overrun with

rabble from the city.'' ''Rabble?'' Smith said. ''That's me

you're talking about.'' In the end New Yorkers got their

parks, but it was close: the interests of a few hundred

wealthy families nearly prevailed over those of New York

City's middle class.

America in the 1920's wasn't a feudal society. But it was a

nation in which vast privilege -- often inherited privilege

-- stood in contrast to vast misery. It was also a nation

in which the government, more often than not, served the

interests of the privileged and ignored the aspirations of

ordinary people.

Those days are past -- or are they? Income inequality in

America has now returned to the levels of the 1920's.

Inherited wealth doesn't yet play a big part in our

society, but given time -- and the repeal of the estate tax

-- we will grow ourselves a hereditary elite just as set

apart from the concerns of ordinary Americans as old Horace

Havemeyer. And the new elite, like the old, will have

enormous political power.

Kevin Phillips concludes his book ''Wealth and Democracy''

with a grim warning: ''Either democracy must be renewed,

with politics brought back to life, or wealth is likely to

cement a new and less democratic regime -- plutocracy by

some other name.'' It's a pretty extreme line, but we live

in extreme times. Even if the forms of democracy remain,

they may become meaningless. It's all too easy to see how

we may become a country in which the big rewards are

reserved for people with the right connections; in which

ordinary people see little hope of advancement; in which

political involvement seems pointless, because in the end

the interests of the elite always get served.

Am I being too pessimistic? Even my liberal friends tell me

not to worry, that our system has great resilience, that

the center will hold. I hope they're right, but they may be

looking in the rearview mirror. Our optimism about America,

our belief that in the end our nation always finds its way,

comes from the past -- a past in which we were a

middle-class society. But that was another country.

 

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